Churchill's Study photo by G.Wilson

Arthur Duke of Wellington - Statue placed in Churchill's residence to "make him feel at home." photo by by G. Wilson

One of the 'guarding' carved white lions, which Churchill commented looked most like him. photo by G. Wilson

Churchill said there were 23 present at the first meeting of the group which took place at four p.m. on the afternoon of February 5, 1945. Stalin immediately proposed Roosevelt as chairman thus strenghening their relationship. One topic discussed during the conference pertained to the proposed new world organization, the United Nations and its Security Council. Stalin made it clear that the three great powers should be the ones to preserve the peace and while small powers could have their say, he would not agree to their judging big power decisions.

Churchill's response to this was more doggeral. "The eagle suffers little birds to sing and is not careful what they mean thereby." All three leaders agreed that major matters must have the approval of the four permanent council members: Russia, USA, Britain and China. Dissent by any one of these members meant the proposal was defeated. Thus was born the veto, a regular, recurring response from the Soviet Union. The first meeting of the United Nations was scheduled for 25 April, 1945.

Big Three around Crimean Conference Table at Yalta

Supposed Replica of Conference Table at Yalta Too Small!!! photo by G. Wilson

The fate of tragic Poland, now liberated but occupied by the Red Army, was a major topic. It was discussed at seven of the eight plenary meetings. The British record of their various exchanges on this subject contained eighteen thousand words. Leadership of Poland was claimed by two separate governments. The one exiled in London refused to resume relations with the Soviet Union. The Lublin government was named and nurtured by the Russians. According to Stalin, this group had been enthusiastically acclaimed by most of the Poles and enjoyed great authority and prestige.

Stalin wanted a Polish government that would bend to his will and indicated arbitrarily that the Soviet-sponsored Lublin Committee (Polish Communist Committee of National Liberation) would form Poland's postwar government. Churchill doubted the democratic nature of this government and pressed for inclusion in it of various leaders from the London Poles, members of the Poland's prewar government who had left Poland before it fell to the Germans and spent the war in Britain. Stalin maintained these Poles would be unacceptable to most of the people of Poland, because they had not been there (i.e. in Poland) at the time the population was suffering under Hitlerite occupation.

Poland's plight disturbed Churchill greatly. This was the country, after all, for which his nation had gone to war when it was invaded by Germany in 1939. Churchill felt Britain had a moral obligation to ensure the Poles could now "live freely and enjoy their own lives in their own way." While Stalin paid lip service to this ideal, promised free elections and pledged a democracy would be permitted, he had no intentions of fulfilling that promise. The Soviet Union would control Poland.

While Roosevelt was concerned about the fate of the Poles, he declared in frustration as Churchill and Stalin continued to argue about the makeup of Poland's post-war government, "Poland has been the source of trouble for over 500 years." Roosevelt was more preoccupied with maintaining good relations with Russia, whose military might he wanted directed against Japan as soon as possible. The Atomic bomb was not yet a certainty and it was anticipated by the Americans that thousands of their troops would be lost in the attack on the Japanese mainland. Roosevelt wanted to ensure Soviet assistance with this awesome assault. Stalin promised this within months of Germany's defeat.

While Churchill said he recognized that there was a "desire to put foot in the stirrup and be off," decisions must not be hurried. "These might well be among the most important days of our lives." Stalin finally prevailed and Poland became a puppet state of the Soviet Union. History saw this as a gross betrayal of Poland by the western powers.

Discussions were held on how Germany would be dismembered. Each of the great powers was to oversee a section of the country. Britain, fearful of the cost of overseeing its sector, decided to share its burden with France, so eventually agreement was reached on the creation of four sectors. Reparations for the cost of the war were also discussed. Stalin pushed for the payment by Germany of 20 billion dollars, half of which would go to Russia. Churchill objected, saying such reparations would make it impossible for the country to recover. Roosevelt had reservations about this figure too, but agreed over Churchill's objections to its insertion for discussion in the final draft of the agreement. The figure became fixed and final as far as Stalin was concerned. When the fate of the Nazi leaders was discussed, Churchill said they should be shot. It was decided they would be tried for their crimes against humanity before being dispatched.

News Photo of Actual Table at Conference

Roosevelt buttered up Stalin and spoke openly to him about his differences with Churchill. It was only after the fifth day of the conference that Churchill and Roosevelt met privately. Churchill worried about being left out of some meetings with Roosevelt and Stalin and it made him all too conscious of Britain's relative weakness compared to the other two nations. The Americans were more suspicious of Britain's post-war plans than Russia's. The roots of this suspicion reached way back to 1776 and Britain's colonial history. While admitting the relative benevolence of Britain's Imperial rule, Roosevelt had an inherent dislike of empires [***] and feared Britain would try to use allied victories to maintain and even expand its colonial possessions.

Roosevelt regularly pressed Churchill to hand Hong Kong over to China as a gesture of goodwill, but had no reservations about approving in a private meeting he asked Churchill not to attend, compensation composed of parts of other countries as the price of persuading Stalin to enter the war against Japan.

Room in Which Roosevelt and Stalin had private meetings. photo by G. Wilson

Ceiling and Chandelier of Private Meeting Room of Stalin and Roosevelt photo by G. Wilson

Churchill and Roosevelt Confer

Readily revealing his proclivity for the property of others, Stalin demanded and got as the price for joining against Japan: the Kurile Islands north of Japan, Southern Sakhalin, the international port of Dairen, the naval base at Port Arthur and joint operation with China of the principal Manchurian railways. Russia's preoccupation was always to ensure she had subservient neighbours in Europe and a commanding position in Asia. When Churchill learned of the deal, he had real reservations about going along with it. He finally agreed, doubtless hoping that Roosevelt, who had once accused him "of having four hundred years of acquisitive instincts in his blood," would let up on his badgering of Britain to give up Hong Kong.

Churchill worried that Roosevelt was not taking some of the matters under discussion seriously enough. This was attributed by some to Roosevelt's poor physical condition, which appeared to be deteriorating as the meetings progressed. To onlookers he seemed old, ill, often lacking in concentration and an ineffective chairman. Two months later he died and left a lustrous legacy that historians generally agree did not include Yalta.

Churchill frequently bowed to the bosses, Roosevelt and Stalin, keeping silent when they won point after point. He was all too aware of the size of Britain's forces compared to those of the US and Russia. Roosevel's views carried the day and while Churchill was anxious about the president's tendency to disregard or overlook certain things, he never criticized him. Roosevelt was also critical of Churchill and frequenly frustrated by his verbosity. He complained to his aids. "Churchill's monologues are holding things up," The aid agreed that Winston's speeches were long, but "they were good." "Winston does not make any other kind," responded Roosevelt.

Churchill and Stalin Enjoying Churchill's Birthday Celebration, while Roosevelt appears distant and disinterested.

Prior to one of the sessions, Roosevelt told Churchill that he intended to salute Stalin as Uncle Joe. Churchill suggested he use the name first in a private meeting with Stalin, but Roosevelt wouldn't wait and called him Uncle Joe at the next plenary session. Stalin was affronted by this seeming insult and brusquely declared in huff that he would leave the meeting as soon as possible. He was assured this was not a term of contempt, but rather one of fond friendship. After all, wasn't America itself referred to as Uncle Sam. This molified Stalin.

Livadia Palace Patio. photo by G. Wilson

After receiving an eloquent tribute from Stalin at a Russian banquet, Churchill hinted at his fateful fears and premonitions when he commented on the tasks before them. In all his years in public life, he said, he was never so concerned about the consequences of their failure to make the right decisions regarding the problems they faced.

Small Courtyard at Livadia Palace photo by G. Wilson

Nicolas II's Desk in Study photo by G.Wilson

Czar's Family Dining Roon; all original furniture. The Czar rarely sat down at the table, preferring rather to walk around as he ate. photo by G. Wilson

Room in which Yalta Agreement Signed photo by G. Wilson

Signatures on Agreement photo by G.Wilson

Many felt Churchill's speeches about the subsequent relationship of the Soviet Union and the western powers were too pessimistic. Events were to show, however, that he was the only western leader to sense the new era of stress and strain into which the world was heading. His Iron Curtain speech in 1946 revealed to a reluctant world that he was right. His "promised land bought by blood and sweat and tears turned out to be a landscape of lowering clouds and deep chasms."

Yalta proved to be one of the most controversial events of modern times. Its task was too complex to be decided in a week. Many look back upon the Yalta Conference as one in which the Russians "really got away with it."

Back

Copyright © 2013 Website Administrator